The Rise of Anti-Discrimination Sentiment in Indonesia: What Lies Next?

Unrestrained government spending, unjust privileges for political elites, high commodity prices, inflation, and widespread corruption and irregularities have triggered mounting discontent among the people of Indonesia. Ordinary citizens, burdened by these inequities, have now erupted in fury.
Even, the angry crowds have looted and set fire to the residence of Indonesian Minister of Finance, Sri Mulyani Indrawati in this regard. Protesters also torched provincial assembly buildings in South Sulawesi, West Nusa Tenggara, Central Java, and West Java—regions that had long been considered strongholds of the ruling Gerindra Party.
Last October, after years of political struggle, former general and ultra-nationalist Prabowo Subianto, finally secured the presidency. His victory came after three previous failed attempts in the 2009, 2014, and 2019 elections. He is the son-in-law of Indonesia’s late authoritarian leader Suharto, who was in power for three decades.
Yet less than a year into his presidency, he is already facing the toughest political test. On August 25, anti-discrimination student groups took to the streets of Jakarta and other key cities to denounce Subianto’s discriminatory policies.
Their anger stemmed from rising living costs, excessive perks for political elites, increasing salaries of lawmakers to thirty times higher than the national average. Instead of responding with reforms, the government dismissed the protests as “anti-state terrorist activity” and moved to suppress them with force.
Tensions escalated further on August 28, when Affan Kunriwan, a ride-share driver joining protesters in Jakarta, got killed by a police vehicle. As a result, demonstrators soon stormed four provincial assembly buildings, targeted lawmakers’ residences, and ransacked some governmental infrastructures. Alongside demands for an end to inequality and elite privilege, questions grew louder about state repression and police violence in this regard.
The discontent is rooted in broken promises, also. Before assuming office, Prabowo had declared that he will be the “President of all Indonesians.” But, ascending in power, he prioritized benefits for own party leaders and elites, contradicting earlier pledges. Thus, public are now indicating his words as blank populist things. By labeling peaceful demonstrations as threats to national security and authorizing excessive force, his government is risking to commit severe human rights violations, also.
But, this is not the first time Prabowo has faced such accusations. As a former military commander under Suharto’s authoritarian rule from 1974 to 1998, he worked to entrench his father-in-law’s power. According to Sintong Panjaitan, a former military advisor to President B.J. Habibie, the successor of Suharto, Prabowo abducted General Benny Moerdani in 1983 over suspicions of plotting coup against Suharto. Although Prabowo always denied the claim.
His military past carries even darker shadows. Human rights groups accuse him of orchestrating the Kraras massacre in East Timor during Indonesia’s decades-long invasion in the region. Then, in 1998, as Suharto’s regime faced mass pressure, Prabowo allegedly oversaw the abduction of nine anti-Suharto activists. Thus, the following year, President Habibie’s government sent him into early retirement from the army for that allegation.
As a result, these allegations led many rights organizations to raise questions on his eligibility to run presidential campaigns, in 2009. Yet despite long-standing concerns, Prabowo eventually triumphed in the 2024 election. But, the matter of regret is that— he appears unwilling to take lessons from Indonesia’s history—or even from recent global events.
The fall of Suharto in 1998, driven by mass protests against authoritarianism and inequality is a stark reminder of how quickly public anger can topple entrenched regimes. Even closer to present, South Asian country, Bangladesh’s own recent uprising against discriminatory governance, took place a few months before his ascension to the post—might offer a vivid warning to him. But Prabowo seems determined to repeat the mistakes alike past authoritarian rulers.
Unsurprisingly, the protesters have refused to back down, because government repression has only deepened their resolve. As demonstrations spread, at least 10 people have already lost their lives, according to BBC reports. The Commission for the Disappeared and Victims of Violence (KontraS) says at least 20 activists have gone missing in Bandung, Depok, and across Jakarta, while nearly 1,200 have been arrested as the protest started. Analysts warn that harsher crackdowns could leave the government further cornered.
But still, the cycle of confrontation continues. Al Jazeera reported that police fired tear gas at protesters near Bandung’s Islamic University (UNISBA) and Pasundan University on September 2. In response, women’s groups and civil society coalitions marched a huge protest the next day in Jakarta, demanding an end to state-backed violence and calling for the military to retreat to barracks.
Facing intensified pressure, Prabowo has begun showing limited concessions. He has apologized publicly, promised to reduce government spending, and signaled willingness to review unfair perks for lawmakers. Yet the public remains unconvinced. Protesters continue to demand accountability for police violence and insist on broader structural reforms of the entire system.
So, the question is—will Prabowo seek stability through dialogue and compromise, embracing a peace process with civilians? Or will he follow the authoritarian path of his father-in-law Suharto, deepening inequality and steering the nation toward an uncertain turbulent future?